Sumber:=
www.oaseonline.org
Ind=
onesian Theology
oleh John Mansford Prior, svd.
1
General
Characteristics
There is evidence of Christi=
an
communities on the coast of
Bibliography
1972 Muskens,M. (ed.), Sejarah Gereja Katolik
1993 End, Th. van den &
Weitjens, J., Ragi Carita: Sejarah =
Gereja
di
1996 End, Th. van den &
Weitjens, J., Ragi Carita: Sejarah =
Gereja
di Indonesia, I th.1500-1860an (The Leaven of Love: History of the Chur=
ch
in
2000 Steenbrink, Karel, Catholics in
1.1. Brief Ove=
rview of
the Cultural Context
Similar to other regions of
Southeast Asia Indonesia has an absorbent culture. The past, including colo=
nial
history, is rarely rejected; it is taken on board on Indonesian terms. Acce=
pting
whatever seems useful or appropriate, the resultant symbiotic culture - and
therefore theology - consists of an ongoing synthesis. If the term does not
repel, it is a living syncretism. This socio-cultural context is at the roo=
t of
the earliest indigenous theologizing in the 19th century. Howeve=
r,
since political independence traditional culture has often been viewed as an
obstacle to progress, modernity and national development. Thus, 20th
century Protestant theologians spoke of development (Leimena), of the Pancasila (Darmaputera)
and of relations with Islam (Tanja=
, Sumartana). However, the whole qu=
estion
of complex cultural identities re-emerged on the national scene during the
increasingly centralized Soeharto regime (1966-98) and with the onslaught of
globalization. And so cultural rather than purely economic issues form the
fertile soil for Catholic moderate liberationists as diverse as van Lith at the opening of the 20=
th
century and Mangunwijaya and Banawiratma in its closing decade=
s. The
Catholic contextual philosophers D=
riyarkara,
Magnis-Suseno and Sindhunata also work within a
(Jawanese) cultural frame.
The cultures of Jawa and
Bibliography
1984 Latuihamallo, P.D., Wah=
ono,
S.W. & Ukur, F.(eds.), Tabah
Melangkah (Stepping Forward Patiently). Book to Commemorate the 50=
th
Anniversary of the
1989 Banawiratma, J.B. &
Jacobs, T., “Doing Theology with Local Resources”, East Asian Pastoral Review, 1:51-7=
2.
1999 Pramudianto & Martin
Sinaga (eds.) Pergulatan dan
Kontekstualisasi Pemikiran Protestan Indonesia (The Wrestle and
Contextualisation of Protestant Thinking in Indonesia. 17 Dies Natalis orat=
ions
from the Jakarta School of Theology to celebrate their 65th
Anniversary).
1.2. Brief Overview of the Theologians
Of the hundreds of hard-work=
ing
teachers of theology, some of whom have published a sizeable corpus, little
reference is found in this study. This survey is limited to those who are d=
oing
theology creatively, conscious of the Indonesian context in all its complex=
ity.
Often enough the more interesting writers are not professional theologians.
Creative probing in the 19th century came from
“untrained” first-generation laity (e.g. Sadrach). In mid 20th century contextual theologizing
emerged from public figures such as Moelia,
Leimena and Simatupang and during the last three decades from novelists suc=
h as
Katoppo and Mangunwijaya. Simatupang is one of the more creative Protestant
theologians to date while Mangunwijaya is one of the most imaginative Catho=
lic
thinkers.
Working among the literati o=
r on the
political stage, these innovative scholars prevented the seminaries from si=
mply
servicing Churches for whom faith was primarily a private matter. This surv=
ey
thus records the painful move from pietist churches preoccupied with buildi=
ng
up self-reliant but inward-looking congregations, to socially-engaged churc=
hes
who became active, even ‘moderately prophetic’ witnesses in
society. If Indonesian theology is late on the world stage, this is partly =
due
to the fact that seminaries for too long interpreted their task as passing-=
on
scientific theology in the western university tradition. Theology as praxis
(systematic reflection upon ongoing involvement) still sits uneasily in most
seminary syllabi. Since the 1980s the Protestant and Catholic Faculties of
Theology in
Unsurprisingly, contextual
theologians have been publishing in the national and regional press, unconf=
ined
by congregational strictures. Many of the more creative theological works
consist of collections of such newspaper columns (e.g. Darmaputera 1977, Mang=
unwijaya
1999). Here the theological language of the classroom has been replaced by a
more everyday idiom and even trans-Christian discourse. Not the pious comme=
nts
of a bystander or ivory tower academic, but the considered reflections of a
person involved in the common struggle for dignity and freedom.
Virtually all professional
theologians are involved in congregational or wider forms of church leaders=
hip.
And so, their theology surfaces not in large scientific tomes but as ongoing
series of reflective responses to the felt and underlying needs of the
congregation and of society at large. This theologizing is very much a
collective activity; writings are often the outcome of seminars, workshops =
and
study-projects. This is especially the case for women doing theology (Prasetyo Murniati 1990, Lumentut 1997, Lakawa 2000).
Twenty-two of those surveyed=
are
Protestants, nine are Catholic. The Protestant theologians hail from the wh=
ole
spectrum of the Indonesian archipelago, from Ambon, Sulawesi, Timor, Sawu,
Sumba, Bali, Kalimantan and Sumatra as well as from Jawa; they include a
Chinese-Indonesian. Most of them are associated in some way with the
1.3. Ecumenical and Professional Contacts
The Christian Conference of Asia (CCA) and World Council of Churches (WCC) have influenced the development=
of
Protestant theology in
Bibliography
? &=
nbsp; CCA.
1997 Banawiratma, J.B. (ed.)=
, Gereja
1999 Alangaram, A., Christ of the Asian Peoples: Towards an
Asian Contextual Christology Based on the Documents of the FABC.
2000 Quatra, Miguel Marcelo,=
At the Side of the Multitudes: The
Until the latter half of the
twentieth century, there was no regular forum for theological discussion ap=
art
from synods and other ecclesial meetings. Unsurprisingly, until recently few
theologians quoted each other. Given the dominance of Jawanese culture which
prizes “harmony” over other values, few theologians have been
willing to debate in public. In a
Perhimpunan Sekolah Teologi
In the early 1990s a Theolog=
ical
Commission was established by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference (KWI) =
to
assist the bishops in their theological reflection upon current issues. The
Commission, together with the Commission for Seminaries, established an ass=
ociation
of Catholic theologians which met for the first time in 1998. The associati=
on
has been tasked with developing contextual theologies. The Commission serves
the bishops while the Association is a professional body.
Bibliography
? &=
nbsp; Persetia
2000 Banawiratma (ed.),
(Reflections on violence and peacemaking by the Bishops’ Theological
Commission.
1.4. Journals<=
/span>
SERI PASTORALIA Founded as a bimonthly journal in 1937 Pastoralia developed into a book s=
eries
in 1984. Practical and popular theology from
BASIS since 1951. A bimonthly cultural journal
founded by Dick Hartoko SJ, presently edited by Sindhunata SJ. Not theological but excellent for cultural &
ethical context. Address: Majalah Basis, Jl. Cempaka 9, Deresan,Kotak Pos 1=
299,
ROHANI since 1963. Monthly of spiritual and pop=
ular
theology edited by the Jesuits. Address: Majalah Rohani, Jl. Cempaka 9,
Deresan, Kotak Pos 1125,
UMAT BARU since 1967. Bimonthly of practical theol=
ogy
edited by Catechetical Centre Yogyakarta. Address: Majalah Umat Baru, PusKa=
t,
Jln. Ahmad Jazuli 2,
ORIENTASI began as a theological journal in 1969 a=
nd became
an annual in 1987 (renamed ORIENTAS=
I BARU).
Edited by the Jesuits in
GEMA DUTA WACANA since 1970. Biennial from the Faculty of=
SPEKTRUM since 1971. Quarterly journal of the
Documentation Department of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference. Contains
reports, proceedings and some background theological material. Address: Dok=
Pen
KWI, Jl. Cut Mutia 10,
PENINJAU since 1974. Theological quarterly edited=
by
the Research Unit of the Communion of Churches in
FORUM BIBLIKA since 1991. Biblical theological biennia=
l (not
overtly contextual). Edited by the Indonesian Bible Society (LAI). Address:
Forum Biblica, Jl. A. yani 90,
PENUNTUN since Oct.-Dec. 1994. Theological quarte=
rly
edited by the Synod of the Protestant Church of West Jawa (GKIJB). Address:=
Jl.
Tanjung
SETIA since 19?
SOPHIA: JURNAL BERTEOLOGI PEREMPUAN
1.5. Periods
We can divide theological
development in
The theology of the 19t=
h
century was spoken in Jawanese and recorded in Dutch. Twentieth century
theology is written largely in Indonesian with some Dutch. Gradually, a cor=
pus
of work is appearing in English language publications, initially through
thesis-writing and then through international colloquia. Thus, a bibliograp=
hy
confined to English and Dutch would not be representative of Indonesian
theology. However, acknowledging the accessibility of the English language,
wherever possible basic bibliographies at the end of each section refer to =
English
language publications. Those with a grasp of the Indonesian language should
consult the more comprehensive Indonesian bibliography prepared by the auth=
or.
2
The Emergence of Written Theological Reflection in=
ca 1860-1945
Theological reflection befor=
e 1945
comes from Christians without formal theological training. While little of the theological
reflections extant during the first sixty years (1860-1920) was published -=
or
published only many years later - it was nevertheless influential in giving=
a
basic direction to the theological assumptions of both the Protestant and
Catholic Churches until independence (proclaimed in 1945, legal settlement =
in
1949). The first professional voices in theology are heard only in the latt=
er
half of the twentieth century. During the 1980s and 1990s there was a renew=
ed
interest in the nineteenth century.
2.1. Early Ech= oes: 1860-1910 <= o:p>
This was a turbulent period.=
There
were continual revolts against the Dutch colonisers - Diponegoro (1825-30) =
in
Jawa; the Padri revolt in West Sumatra (1834-37), guerilla campaigns in Aceh
from 1870 onwards, Batak revolts in Sumatra (1880-1907), the pacification o=
f
The so-called “ethical
policy” of the Dutch government of 1901 led to the
“modernisation” of the colony of
Written sources for the 19
Bibliography
1970 Kartodirdjo, Sartono,
“Religious Movements of Java in the 19th and 20th
Centuries.” Yogyakarta: Universitas Islam
1985 Hoekema, A.G.
“Developments in the Education of Preachers in the Indonesian Mennoni=
te
Churches”, MQR 59/4:398-409.
1=
994 Hoekema, Alle Gabe, Deken in dynamisch evenwicht: de
wordingsgeschiedenis van de nationale protestantse theoogie in Indonesie (c=
a.
1860-1960). Goudstratt:
Uitgeverij Boekencentrum, B.V. 314pp. Extensive bibliography. Indonesian
translation (without bibliography)
In the Protestant Churches f=
our
remarkable first-generation evangelists made creative attempts at spreading=
the
Word in East and
2.1.1. Paulus =
Tosari
(1813-82),
Tosari was born in Kedung-Tu=
ri near
Bibliography
? &=
nbsp; Tosari,
Paulus, “Ngelingake marang wong kang padha kaul, kanthi tembang
asmaradana.” UB Leiden, L Or 11.648, 4p. (Jawanese)
1953 Tosari Paulus, Rasa Sedjati Pethikan saking Serat=
Rasa
Sedjati, karanganipun Swargi Kyai Paulus, ing Tosari. Mendhet saking babon =
kini
kanthi karesikaken. Probably composed in 1872.
1967 Mardja Sir, Kiayi Paulus Tosari (Pelopor Geredja K=
risten
Djawi di Djawa Timur) (Kiayi Paul Tosari: Pioneer of the
2.1.2. Asa Kim=
an (died
1892), East and
In 1851 Asa Kiman went to Mo=
jowarno
where he worked for a few years with Paulus Tosari. About 1864 he moved to =
Bibliography<= o:p>
1=
994 Hoekema, Alle Gabe, Deken in dynamisch evenwicht: de
wordingsgeschiedenis van de nationale protestantse theoogie in Indonesie (c=
a.
1860-1960). Goudstratt:
Uitgeverij Boekencentrum, B.V. 314pp. Indonesian translation without extens=
ive
bibliography -
2.1.3. Ibrahim=
Tunggul
Wulung (ca. 1800-85),
Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung was b=
orn
around 1800, probably on the north coast of central Jawa. He hailed from the
ranks of the upper caste (priayi).
For some years he lived as an ascetic on the slopes of
The core of his evangelism w=
as
little different from the mysticism that he had taught on the slopes of
Bibliography
1979 Hoekema, A.G., “K=
yai
Ibrahim Tunggul Wulung (c.1800-85), ‘een Javaanse Apollos’̶=
1;,
NthT 33/2:89-110.
2.1.4. Sadrach
Surapranata (1835-1924),
Sadrach, born to a noble fam=
ily
about 1835, has been the object of some attention by scholars over the year=
s.
He comes from the north coast of central Jawa. He studied Islamic law and
became a santri (teacher). Thro=
ugh
contacts with Mojowarno he met with Asa Kiman and later went to Bondo to me=
et
Tunggul Wulung. He stayed with Tunggul Wulung for some years before going h=
is
own way. In 1867 he was baptised in the Indische Kerk. Afterwards he went t=
o
Not a single writing survive=
s from
this remarkable evangelist. Sadrach almost certainly wrote a book on Church
order, composed his own Book of Worship, prayers for private and congregati=
onal
use, and a summary of Christian law and discipline. He paraphrased various
parts of the Gospel, such as Mat 22:37-40 in tembang - song-poems. We know of his work only through the writ=
ings
of European evangelists. Unlike the upper caste mystic Tunggul Wulung, Sadr=
ach
was a person of the Book, an eloquent exponent of Scripture, a well-educate=
d santri. Like Paulus Tosari, he cal=
led
churches “mosques”; he also installed a wooden bedug to call people to worship and used the term imam for official ministers. Sadra=
ch was
convinced that there was no need to imitate European congregational order.
Sutarman Partonadi (1988:224) is of the opinion that the term guru was at the heart of Sadrach&#=
8217;s
Christology. Jesus was the holy gur=
u,
who obeyed Allah’s law to death. He healed the sick and expelled devi=
ls.
We follow Jesus as guru and panutan (exemplar), the perfect on=
e.
Sadrach embraced wisdom from Jawanese culture, law from Islam while doctrin=
al
content came from the Gospel. The first expatriate missioner to appreciate =
the
Protestant Sadrach was the Jesuit van Lith (1924). Only in recent years are
Tosari and Sadrach being acknowledged as the pioneers of a truly contextual=
ised
Christianity (Simatupang 1976:92-93).
Sadrach was the last of the =
great
nineteenth century evangelists who preached in an indigenous way. Rapid
economic development at the turn of the century and the national awakening =
from
1908 onwards - which emphasised the pivotal importance of formal education -
side-lined the life-style and evangelical methods of these mystical leaders.
Ironically enough, when much later European evangelists finally began to sp=
eak
of indigenisation, Indonesian evangelists had already become modern (wester=
n).
The modernisation and later independence of
Bibliography
1924 van Lith, F,: Kjahi Sadrach. Eene les voor ons uit de
Protestantische Zending van Midden-Java. (Kyai Sadrach: A Lesson for us
from the Protestant Mission in
1=
971 Rullmann, J.A.C. De Sadrach Christenen. Hun beekenis vo=
or
vandaag. Seri Allerwegen 2/3.
1976 Simatupang, T.B.,
“Dynamics for Creative Maturity”, in (ed.) G.H.
1981 Cuillot, C. L’Affaire Sadrach, Un Esai de
Christianisation a Java au XIX Siecle,
1990 Partonadi, Sutarman S.,=
Sadrach’s Community and its Cont=
extual
Roots. A Nineteenth Century Javanese Expression of Christianity.
1994 Sumartana, Th., “=
The
End of a Conflict: Sadrach and the Gereformeerde Mission”, in
2.1.5. Distanc=
ed from
Islam
Much of the oral theology in=
Jawa
during the second half of the 19th century was didactic and
moralistic. It had an immediate impact on daily life without causing dissen=
sion
while leaving wider questions of religion to one side. The main partner in
religious debate was Jawanese mysticism rather than Islam. Those outside Ja=
wa
had little direct contact with Muslims. Also, the colonial government censu=
red
anything that might give rise to interreligious tension. European evangelis=
ts
were paid government employees. The ecumenical seminary at Depok had its in=
take
from ethnic areas where Islam was not dominant. Similarly, the journals Bentara Hindia, Djahaja Sijang and Penh=
entar
(
This oral “declamatory
theology” was authentically Jawanese - in form, content and expressio=
n.
It was an initial - later disbanded - effort by first-generation Protestant
Christians to forge a local Christian identity. After 1910 Christian mission
shifted from village to town, from traditional leadership to schools and fo=
rmal
teaching.
From the fragmentary evidence
available, it seems clear that little, if anything, of the social turmoil of
the times is reflected in these writings. No evangelist proposed concrete
social programmes in response to economic hardship or political
repression.
Ecumenical cooperation (with=
out
Catholic participation) was more advanced in
At the beginning of the twen=
ty-first
century, the contemplative life and the need for cosmic harmony are still in
line with the cultural philosophy of Jawa. Another nineteenth century theme=
-
the Gospel and local customary law - is still a live issue with the ordinary
believer, particularly outside Jawa.
Bibliography
1993 Steenbrink, Karel, R=
20;The
Rehabilitation of Indigenous Teachers. A Survey of Recent Research on the
History of Christianity in
2.1.6. Francis=
George
Joseph Van Lith (1863-1926),
Towards the end of this peri=
od the
Catholic Church was re-founded in Central Jawa by Francis van Lith. Born on=
17
May 1863, Francis van Lith came to
From the beginning van Lith =
was
aware that evangelization would depend upon his grasp of the Jawanese langu=
age
which had not been used by Jesuits previously (they relied upon catechists =
as
translators). After a year of language learning (1896-97) , van Lith moved =
to
the
Given that “traditiona=
l”
methods had failed, van Lith felt the need to begin anew and learn from tri=
al
and error. He challenged and changed the entire missionary method used by
Catholics in Jawa until then. He learned his mission method from the people
through nightly discussions during the initial years. Van Lith not only
immersed himself in the life and culture of the people (“mamanggul” =3D “becomi=
ng one
with them”), he also defended the rights of small scale farmers by bu=
ying
back their mortgaged fields for them. Throughout his life he also kept good
relations with the highest caste (n=
ingrat)
of Central Jawa, namely with the royal Sultans of Yogyakarta and
The birth of the Catholic Ch=
urch in
Arriving when national awake=
ning was
about to happen, Van Lith became convinced that the high Jawanese culture
needed to be opened up to contemporary learning through schooling. In 1904 =
he
founded the first teachers training school which supplied the staff for pri=
mary
schools which were then being opened in the villages. Thus, he educated fut=
ure
leaders who could think for themselves, who could hold their own opinions a=
nd
had the ability to mobilise others. Through the boarding house, they learnt=
to
live as educated Jawanese Muslims and Christians. The school at Muntilan
produced the first generations of Catholic intellectuals who later played t=
heir
part in national life. He founded and edited the journal “Jawi
Seroja” from 1914.
Van Lith held that the Priyayi (upper caste) and Abangan (lower caste) Jawanese wer=
e not
“book Muslims”. Their lives were much influenced by Jawanese my=
sticism
and thus open to conversion to Christianity. From the mid-nineteenth century
when Catholic missioners were once again allowed to enter the
Van Lith also pressured the =
Jesuits
in opening the first school for candidates for the Catholic priesthood; whi=
ch
they did in
Van Lith took an active part=
in
public life, reading papers at regional and national congresses and seminar=
s on
the subjects of Jawanese culture and national aspirations. He was appointed=
a
member of the governing body of The Jawa Institute when it was founded in 1=
919.
He was also appointed a member of the Education Board established by the Du=
tch
authorities in 1918 and of the Peoples’ Consultative Assembly from 19=
16.
If the four Protestant evang=
elists
were concerned with expressing the Gospel they lived in Jawanese mystical f=
orm,
then van Lith entered into the Jawanese culture and sought to liberate it
through formal education infused with a national(list) horizon. In contempo=
rary
Catholic terms, van Lith was both an inculturationist and a liberationist in
his lived-out theological praxis.
Bibliography
1952 Rijckevorsel, L. van, Pastoor F.van Lith S.J., De Stichter v=
an de
Missie in Midden-Java; 1863-1926.
1997 Klinken, Gerry van,
“Power, Symbol and the Catholic Mission in Java: The Biography of Fra=
ns
van Lith S.J.”, Docmentatiebl=
ad
geschiedenis Nederlandse Zending en Overszeese Kerken, 4/1.
1997 Hasto Rosaniyanto Flori=
bertus
(19?-): Father Franciscus van Lith,=
SJ
(1863-1926): Turning Point of the Catholic Church’s Approach in the
Pluralistic Indonesian Society. Extract of Doctoral Dissertation,
2.2. The Impac=
t of the
National Awakening and
2.2.1. Clearing the Deck: 1911-42
&=
nbsp; As
with the rest of Asia during the first half of the twentieth century,
Both Protestants and Catholi=
cs were
somewhat ambiguous towards nationalist aspirations right until the Dutch we=
re
defeated by the Japanese in 1942. Apart from the pietist and individualist
spirituality of the sending-Churches which had little concern with societal
issues, Indonesian Protestants felt a conflict of loyalties between the wid=
er
Christian world (western, including the Dutch colonisers) and the nationali=
st
sentiments mobilized by both secular and Muslim organizations. In the towns of Jawa the membershi=
p of
congregations, both Protestant and Catholic, were usually dominated by West=
ern
expatriates and the Chinese-Indonesian minority. The latter kept out of
politics while working for the rulers in trade and finance. The Dutch policy of dividing the i=
slands
and ethnic groups between different denominations, led to the growth of eth=
nic
Churches with local rather than national concerns. For instance the Batak
Churches in Sumatra, the Timorese, Florenese and
However a slow opening up wa=
s taking
place. Local ethnic-based Churches began the process of regular contact and
mutual influence. The Indonesian Protestant Churches entered the wider
ecumenical movement, while Catholic Dioceses were serviced by expatriates, =
both
priests and Sisters, who maintained continuous contact with their internati=
onal
missionary orders. It has to be noted that the ecumenical and national voic=
es
of the graduates from the Depok Seminary were heard only after the Dutch we=
re
defeated in 1942.
Theology was still largely w=
estern.
No Indonesian graduate theologians were heard during this period. A clear
Indonesian identity had yet to surface. While much oral theology continued =
at
the grass-roots level, little has been investigated to date. There were no
overt polemics, either narrowly denominational, anti-Protestant/Catholic or
anti-Muslim. The Protestant emphasis was upon replacing the dependent missi=
ons
with self-sufficient Churches led by local personnel, while Catholics were =
busy
baptising new members and building up a local clergy. Virtually the whole <=
st1:place
w:st=3D"on">
Perhaps due to the ethnic ba=
se of
most Churches in this vast archipelago, and because of language problems
(Dutch, many local languages and Malay/Indonesian), the Protestant Churches=
of
Bibliography
1958 Kraemer, H. From Mission Field to
2000 Steenbrink, Karel, Catholics in
2.2.2. Japanese Occupation - A Defining Experience: 1942-45
In March 1942
For all Churches, the three-=
year
occupation marked a short, sharp transition to adulthood. In 1939 all the
German Protestant and Catholic evangelists were interned. In 1942, with the
coming of the Japanese, it was the turn of the Dutch. While the Protestant
Churches already had elders and councils and synods in place, the Catholic
Churches only now allowed (lay) village catechists and primary school teach=
ers
to take over the (temporary) running of the Parishes. The Churches - without
much preparation - were on their own. A few ordained Japanese, both Protest=
ant
and Catholic, were brought in by the occupiers. While no theology was publi=
shed
during this period, the experience of having to stand on ones own feet was a
major contribution to the later maturing of theology in an independent
Since the outbreak of war in=
Europe
in 1939 the Protestant Churches in
A few key nationalist figure=
s were
Christians - in the revolutionary army (Simatupang),
air force (Adisucipto) and the provisional government during the war of
independence (prime minister Sjari=
foeddin).
Theological reflections on t=
he
Japanese occupation have been done by T.B.
Simatupang (1972) and Fridolin=
Ukur
(1982). Protestant Christians in
Bibliography
1967 Tan Tiat-Han, “The
Attitude of Dutch Protestant Missions toward Indonesian Nationalism
1945-49".
1972 Simatupang, T.B., Report from Banaran: Experiences durin=
g the
People’s War.
1974 Muskens, M. (ed.), Sejarah Gereja Katolik
1982 Ukur, Fridolin, “A
Brief History of the Churches in
2.2.3. Amir Sjarifoeddin
Amir Sjarifoeddin was a Chri=
stian
nationalist. He accused the Churches leaders of not preaching on the
socio-political role of the prophets during colonial days. His fiery politi=
cal
speeches were redolent with biblical quotes. Briefly prime minister, he was
involved with negotiating a peace deal with the Dutch. However, when the Du=
tch
broke the agreement in 1948 he joined forces with the communist party. With=
the
abortive communist Madiun revolt in September the same year, he was condemn=
ed
to death.
Bibliography
1928 Sjarifoeddin, Amir,
“Het Rassenprobleem in Ned. Indie.” In Mirabile Lectu. Orgaan van het Haarlemsch Gymnasium 4/1-2.
1941 Sjarifoeddin, Amir,
“Soesoenan Masjarakat dan Perang” (The Ordering of Society and
War), Semangat Baroe, 1/28, 29,=
30.
1942 Sjarifoeddin, Amir,
“Menoedjoe kedjemaat
3
Indonesian Theologians Find their Voice
ca. 1945-65
3.1. Establishing a Modern Nation: 1945-65
There was a great increase in
publications. Since the 1920s the Catholic publishers Kanisius (Jawa, 1922)=
and
Arnoldus-Nusa Indah (
Nine Protestant Indonesians =
received
doctorates between 1945-60, all overseas; seven of them graduates of the
Jakarta School of Theology. Three were on ecclesial subjects, one on the lo=
cal
religious situation, two on religious freedom with the state Pancasila ideo=
logy
as background, and two on Church and society. The national ideology of
Pancasila was a central focus. Also the unity of the Church is linked to the
unity of the nation (then in the process of consolidation with separatist
movements still active in Sumatra and Sulawesi while
Among the Protestant Churche=
s the
Council of Churches in Indonesia (DGI) played and continues to play a pivot=
al
role. The Ambon Assembly in 1984 renamed DGI the Communion of Churches in <=
st1:country-region
w:st=3D"on">
In 1924 the Catholic bishops=
of
The first generation of Prot=
estant
theologians (until ca.1965) achieved prominence and facility in theology
through becoming outstanding church leaders - not through accredited school=
s.
The second generation is more in tune with the need for a thoroughly academ=
ic
grasp, method and approach (from ca.1965 onwards). Catholic contextual theo=
logy
has built upon the pioneering breakthrough of educators such as van Lith and the ground-breaking =
work
of contextualised philosophers such as Diryarkara.
Bibliography
1974 Muskens, M. (ed.), Sejarah Gereja Katolik
1985 Hoekema, Alle Gabe,
“Dissertations by Protestant Theologians in
1990 Pattiasina & Sairin
(eds.) Gerakan Oikoumene: Tegar Mek=
ar di
Bumi Pancasila (The Ecumenical Movement: Convincing Expansion in the
3.2. Opening Horizons: Lay Theologians take centre stage<=
span
lang=3DEN-GB style=3D'mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>
Three lay theologians active=
during
the colonial period played central roles in the Protestant Churches during =
the
first decades of
3.2.1. T.S.G. Moelia (1896-1966), North Sumatra and
Todung Soetan Goenoeng Moeli=
a was
born on 21st January 1896 at Padangsidempuan in the Batak Angkela
region of
Moelia was the first Indones=
ian to
participate in the wider ecumenical movement, attending
In his anthropological disse=
rtation
in Leiden Het primitieve denken in =
de
moderne wetenschap (1933), opposing the then popular theory of L.
Levy-Bruhl, Moelia claimed that the Indonesian “inductive-realistic&#=
8221;
way of thinking was equally capable of intellectual achievement as any other
nation, given the necessary knowledge and experience. This, among others, w=
as
the task of the Churches and their schools.
Never formally trained in th=
eology,
Moelia greatly influenced the development of Protestant theology as an acad=
emic
science. During the first years of
Bibliography
1928 “Perhoeboengan Ge=
redja
Lama dan Geredja Baroe” (The Relationship between the Old and the
1=
933 “Het primitieve d=
enken
in de moderne wetenschap.” Doctoral thesis, Leiden.
1=
935 “Leiderschap̶=
1;, Eltheto. Maandschrift der N.C.S.V.,
89/9:261-265.
3.2.2. Johannes Leimena (1905-66), Ambon and
Hailing from Ambon, Johannes=
Leimena
was brought up in the capital,
In 1927 Leimena wrote on the
conditions of workers and what should be done (in Zaman Baroe). He also wrote on the health of the nation and med=
ical
ethics. In true Karl Bathian style, he saw the alleviation of injustice and
sickness as the announcement of the grace and love of God. He worked tirelessly for ecumenism=
among
the Protestant Churches and in the nation as a whole (where hundreds of eth=
nic
groups were uniting into a single nation) and internationally (breaking down
walls of misunderstanding). He was against an ecumenical “monolithic&=
#8221;
Church, but envisioned a federal Church in the future: A Dutch Church, a
Leimena was President of the
Christian Political Party (Parkindo=
).
From 1946 to 1956 he was a member of most cabinets - as minister for health,
for social services, and finally as assistant prime minister. The main them=
e of
his life was social justice. He threw himself into the nationalist movement,
but with a clear Christian identity. He saw the (ecumenical) Churches as the
place where the best can be drawn out from each cultural and national group=
ing
and where they can be united. Some years before Barth (1946), Leimena spoke=
of
the (creative) tension between the supra-nationalism of Christianity and na=
tionalist
aspirations.
After independence he took u=
p the
pen to fight against Darul Islam,
communism and separatism (daerahism=
e
- literally “localism”). To this end he accepted the Pancasila =
as a
unifying concept and force (1956). He worked for self-reliant Churches which
would be an activating yeast in the village community development. Promoting
cooperatives he also concerned himself with local culture especially music.=
He
worked tirelessly to open up narrow horizons. His theology is laid out in h=
is
book Kewarganegaraan jang
Bertanggungdjawab (1955), while continuing to write on social justice
issues, as well as on health and health ethics. While others retained a
deafening silence, Leimena concerned himself with the treatment of detained
“communist suspects” after the Soeharto coup in 1965/66. The
central concern of his life was with issues of Church and Society: if the
Church refused to read the signs of the times, it would be vomited out of t=
he
mouth of God.
J. Leimena the only person t=
o speak
of Church and State at the inauguration of the Council of Churches in 1950,=
of
which body he became President in 1956. As parliamentary democracy was repl=
aced
with Soekarno’s “guided democracy”, so the Christian deba=
te
honed in upon the kind of state they wished to live in. Pragmatically he
accepted the Pancasila state: neither Muslim nor secular-communist. Leimena=
and
others wrote against communism and were fearful of secularism. He worked for
the Jakarta Graduate School of Theology. Leimena has published eight books =
and
a dozen articles of which 5 are in Indonesian, 5 in Dutch and two in Englis=
h.
Bibliography<= o:p>
1=
935 “Nationalistische
stroomingen in Nederlands Indie”, Eltheto,
90/6:222-228.
1=
941 “De Ontmoeting der
rassen in de Kerk” De opwekke=
r
87/12:626-635.
1955 Kewarganegaraan yang Bertanggungdjawab (Responsible Citizenship=
).
1956 “Gereja di
tengah-tengah krisis dunia dan krisis di
3.2.3. Tahi Bonar Simatupang (1920-90), North Sumatra and
Simatupang was born during t=
he first
month of 1920 in the Toba Batak region of North Sumatra, home to the largest
regional (Lutheran) Reformed Church in
Simatupang wrote extensively=
on
national development founded upon the Pancasila with all its ethical,
interreligious and ecumenical implications. Active in the Church and Society
division of the WCC, he chaired its 1966 Conference and was appointed a mem=
ber
of the Central and executive Committees of the WCC at
Ideological tensions were ev=
er
present from 1950-65 due to the twin poles of communism and militant Islam.
Simatupang claimed that the Church needed to become ecumenical in order to
counter the ethnic composition of most local Protestant Churches. If not, t=
hen
the ethnic Churches would enter their individual, static, silent ghettos. T=
hus
the “double wrestle” that the Church must engage in is with God=
and
culture (society). He did not see the necessity of Christians working only
through Christian bodies, such as the Protestant Political Party. Exclusive=
ly
Christian bodies would lessen the Church’s role as salt and light.
Simatupang felt it vital tha=
t the
Churches move from a position of weakness and isolation to the centre of
society. To this end he worked for 30 years. His key phrase was that the
Churches should engage in society, “positively, creatively, critically
and realistically” - which terms were adopted by the
Bibliography
1969 “The Situation and
Challenge of the Christian Mission in
1985 “Christian Presen=
ce in
War, Revolution and Development: The Indonesian Case” The Ecumenical Review, Vol.37:75-8=
3.
Also in (ed.) Roger L. Shinn, Churc=
h and
Society: Ecumenical Perspectives, Essays in Honour of Paul Abrecht.
1988 “The East-West Te=
nsion,
the North-South Imbalance - and JPIC?”, The Ecumenical Review, Vol.40/3:399-402.
1996 The Fallacy of a Myth: Tracing the experiential Significance of an =
Army
Officer belonging to the Generation of Liberators for the Future of
3.3. Professional Scholars take up the Challenge
3.3.1. Johannes L.Ch. Abineno (1917-95), Timor and
Johannes Abineno was born in=
According to Abineno’s=
thesis,
what was needed was not so much this “diachronic” ecumenism acr=
oss
the centuries so much as synchronic ecumenism, especially within
His hopes that the Reformed =
Church
in Timor (GMIT) would put aside their Dutch heritage and work out Timorese
patterns of liturgy was not realised. The Western tradition was too strong;
Church members were afraid of change. Abineno came to realise that liturgic=
al
change had to come from the grass-roots. Meanwhile, the Church itself was
becoming increasingly hierarchical in line with the general drift of nation=
al
affairs which was moving away from parliamentary democracy (1950-59) to the
Soekarno’s “Guided Democracy” (1959-65) which achieved its apotheosis in
Soeharto’s military-fascist state (1966-98). In the 1980s the new hym=
nal Kidung Jemaat (1986) contained 100
Indonesian hymns out of a total of 478.
Abineno moved to
J.L. Ch. Abineno’s is a
biblically based theology of witnessing, which accepted the Pancasila as the
meeting point for all Indonesians in the political sphere. He is strong on
worship in the New Testament and the early Church. He viewed liturgical ren=
ewal
as an attempt to free worship for mission (e.g. worship in the family / fam=
ily
groups, two-way sermons, openness of worship to the apostolate). A prolific
writer, Abineno has published 72 books and booklets as well as numerous
articles, all in Indonesian.
Bibliography<=
/b>.
1=
956 Liturgische vormen en patronen in de Evangelische Kerk op Timor=
. Proefschrift Utrecht, 155pp.=
1964 “Patterns of
Liturgy” Southeast Asian Jour=
nal of
Theology Vol.6:56-68. (Translation of booklet 1963)
1968 Sekitar Theologia Praktika (On Practical Theology),
1975 Roh Kudus dan PekerjaanNya (The Holy Spirit and His Work),
1981 Apa Kata Alkitab? (What Says the Bible?),
3.3.2. Peter D. Latuihamallo (1918-),
Peter D. Latuihamallo was ac=
tive in
public life as a member of parliament in the early days of independence in =
the
1950s. Having obtained his doctorate in 1959 he was appointed rector of the
Jakarta Graduate School of Theology where he was still working with
post-graduate students in 2000. In the 1980s he served as President of the
Communion of Churches in
As
Latuihamallo was the first
Indonesian to discuss the work of Kraemer critically (1959). Latuihamallo
discussed Indonesian mysticism, magic and syncretism, and the penetration of
western ways into the cultures of
For
Bibliography
1959 Church and World: a Critical Study about the Relation of Church and
World in the Writings of Hendrik Kramer.
1968b “Missiology and Politics: Chr=
istian
Alertness in
1974 Theological Education Come-of-Age in
1980 “Methodological
Significance of Context: Illuminating it from Sociological, historical,
cultural, economic, political and theological perspectives in
1982 “God in a Develop=
ing
Plural Society: The Indonesian Experience.” Southeast Asian Journal of Theology, Vol.23:93-102.
3.3.3. Nicolaus Driyarkara (1913-67), Yogyakarta,
If van Lith (re-)founded the Jesuit mission in
Deeply immersed in Jawanese
literature and culture, Diryarkara was equally at home with ancient Greek
philosophy and contemporary western philosophies, in particular existential=
ism
and phenomenology (with which school he can be associated). He explained th=
ese
philosophies in impeccable Indonesian, creating Indonesian philosophical te=
rms
as he went along. His illustrations were usually taken from Jawanese litera=
ture
and everyday proverbs. For instance, he used classics such as Serat Wulang Reh, Wedatama, Suluk Wudjil =
Djawa
and Serat Tjentini. His central
concerns were the philosophy of the person, social ethics and the developme=
nt
of the state philosophy of Pancasila as a framework for living together as a
multi-cultural and multi-religious society. He started with lived experienc=
e,
within which local culture and religiosity were embedded.
Diryarkara wrote clearly and
carefully, going to the root of each problem clarifying little considered
issues. His philosophical method has been described as “phenomenologi=
cal
circles” (Verhaak, 1988=
:21)
or “the unspooling of coils” (Mudji Sutrisno, 1988:43). One idea leads into the next and s=
o on.
His original, deep philosophical considerations were centred upon the criti=
cal
function of philosophy and upon the human person as the active, creative
subject of history. For Diryarkara philosophy helps to create independent
thinking in cultured people, and develops their ability to think for
themselves.
Diryarkara taught philosophy=
while
active in the administration of the Educational Academy of Sanata Darma in =
This philosophical and educa=
tional
programme needs to be understood in the context of the later years of Soeka=
rno
when parliamentary democracy was replaced by so-called “guided
democracy” (1959-65) which led directly to the military dictatorship =
of
Soeharto (1966-98). In a time when slogans defined public truth,
Diryarkara’s social ethics, through his careful use of words and deep
philosophical analysis, gave lie to the ideologization of power which justi=
fies
“false truths”. When schooling was being heavily ideologized for
political ends, he developed a philosophy of education as a process of
humanisation. When political culture was moulding a mass culture, he spoke =
of
the dignity of human persons as conscious actors of their own development: =
as
colleagues we bring meaning to this world in a free and creative manner.
In the humanist and educatio=
nal
philosophy of Diryarkara, we see two elements that link him both to the mis=
sion
pioneer van Lith and to later Christian humanists such as Mangunwijaya and to contemporary Catholic theologians such as Banawiratma. The first is a livin=
g,
creative appropriation of the heart of Jawanese culture; the second is a
carefully thought-through involvement in public affairs during a time of
political turmoil. He was a deep, serene thinker who, like van Lith, willin=
gly
allowed himself to be appointed to public bodies and even became an nimble
supporter of the students’ movement during the social revolution of
1965-66 which brought the government of President Soekarno to an end. In his
quiet way, Diryarkara thought and lived out his Christian humanist philosop=
hy
in the classroom and in journals, in governmental bodies and finally in the
students’ movement. This “refined, thoughtful involvement”
has helped to give an emergent Jawanese Catholic theology one of its defini=
ng
characters. He has published 10 books and half a dozen articles, not includ=
ing
those later published as book collections.
Bibliography
1980a Driyarkara
tentang Pendidikan. Kumpulan Karangan Driyarkara (A Collection of Artic=
les
by Driyarkara on Education).
1980b Driyarkara
tentang Manusia. Kumpulan Karangan Driyarkara (A Collection of Articles=
by
Driyarkara on Humans).
1980c Driyarkara
tentang Kebudayaan. Kumpulan Karangan Driyarkara (A Collection of Artic=
les
by Driyarkara on Culture).
1980d Driyarkara
tentang Negara dan Bangsa. Kumpulan Karangan Driyarkara (A Collection of
Articles by Driyarkara on Country and Nation).
4. Towards More Systematic Contextual Theologies
ca. 1965-2000
During the four sessions of =
the
Second Vatican Council (1962-65) the Catholic Church embraced a renewed vis=
ion
of itself as a collegial or synodal people on pilgrimage (Lumen gentium 1963), and concluded its assembly with a positive
statement on involvement in the world (Gaudium
et spes 1965). Gaudium et spes<=
/i>
employed a practical methodology and encouraged a similar shift among Catho=
lic
theologians: insertion, social and cultural analysis, theological reflection
followed by action. In
Regional bodies had an incre=
asing
influence throughout this period - the Christian Conference of Asia (CCA) a=
mong
ecumenical Protestants and the Federation of Catholic Bishops’
Conferences (FABC) among Catholics. There is active cooperation between the=
se
two bodies. The Programme for Theology and Culture in Asia (PTCA) through i=
ts
twice annual bulletin and annual workshop-seminars has helped re-orient
seminary teaching. The Ecumenical Association of Third-World Theologians
(EATWOT) has successfully exposed its membership and the readership of it
journal Voices from the Third World=
to developments in Asia, South America and
The professionalisation and
Indonesianisation of theological education continued apace. Most seminaries,
Catholic and Protestant, received upgraded accreditation most becoming
faculties at universities. From 1970 the Jakarta Graduate School of Theology
established its doctoral programme. In 1979 the “Doctor of Pastoral
Studies” programme commenced at
Bibliography
1984 Steenbrink, Karel,
“Indonesian Churches 1978-84: Main Trends, Issues and Problems”=
, Exchange, 39:1-31.
1985 Hoekema, “Dissert=
ations
by Protestant Theologians in
1996 Hoekema, “Dissert=
ations
by Protestant Theologians in
1997 Penerbit (ed.), Gereja
4.1. Robert Hardawiryana (1926-), Yogyakarta,
Robert Hardawiryana was born=
in
Ambarawa,
Hardawiryana is rooted in the
classical, Catholic theological tradition of
Hardawiryana’s theolog=
y has
had considerable influence upon Catholic ecclesial documents both in
Bibliography
1979 “Contextual Theol=
ogy in
1982 “Asia and
1986 Building the
1990 The Involvement of the Laity in Politics: The Church in
1995 “Theological
Perspectives on
4.2. Yusuf Bil=
yarta
Mangunwijaya (1929-99), Yogyakarta,
Y.B. Mangunwijaya is the
Jawanese-liberationist-educator that van Lith struggled to be at the beginn=
ing
of the 20th century. Romo Mangun was born at Ambarawa,
After theology in
From 1968 Romo Mangun began =
writing
an occasional column in the largest
A brilliant person of letter=
s,
thoroughly versed in all levels of Jawanese culture, a mystic-poet, at home=
in
modern and post-modern technology, a political activist, Romo Mangun quietly
worked away at alternative forms of education in a run-down, about-to-be-cl=
osed
primary school at the edge of Yogyakarta town. A personal friend of the poo=
r,
he was feared but consulted by the powers-that-be. When Soeharto commanded =
that
he be eliminated for supporting the villagers fighting the World Bank
Kedungombo dam project (1986-94), the commander refused to carry out the
President’s orders.
In his novels and newspaper
articles, in his essays, buildings and TV videos, Mangunwijaya is perhaps t=
he
most creative theological thinker to have emerged from the Indonesian Catho=
lic
Church during the past hundred and fifty years. He died on the shoulder of a
friend, the Muslim intellectual Mohamad Sobary during an inter-faith semina=
r in
Bibliography
1981 The Weaver Birds.
1982 Sastra dan Religiositas (Literature and Religiosity)
1993 “Good News through
Story Telling”, East Asian Pa=
storal
Review, Vol.30:311-316.
1999 Gereja Diaspora (A
1996 Bodden, Michael, “=
;Woman
as Nation in Mangunwijaya’s D=
urga
Umayi”,
1=
997 Steenbrink, Karel,
“Mangunwijaya als romanschrijver van de koloniale tijd”, Wereld en Zending, 26:44-50.
1998 Steenbrink, Karel,
“Y.B. Mangunwijaya’s Blueprint for a
4.3. Tom Jacob=
s (1929-
), The
Tom Jacobs was born in Zeven=
bergen,
The Netherlands on 13th July 1929. Continuing the policy advocat=
ed
by van Lith in the 1920s, he came to
A prolific writer, Tom Jacob=
s’
theological contribution to the Indonesian Catholic Church formally culmina=
ted
with the publishing of the Bishops’ Official Reference Book on the
catholic faith Iman Katolik which he drafted (1996). Active
ecumenically he has taught regularly at the Protestant University of Duta
Wacana and has developed his theology in close contact with the Protestant
tradition and in dialogue with Islam. A diligent and meticulous scholar, Tom
has aided other scholars through his involvement in the computerisation of =
the
Kolsani Library in
Tom Jacobs has over 29 books=
and
booklets to his name and another 23 unpublished manuscripts; he has edited a
further half dozen books and is author of over 180 articles. He has now
synthesized the fruit of his 40-year theological journey through a
re-interpretation of the early Conciliar dogmas via the prism of New Testam=
ent
Christologies. This theological autobiography is at once broadly ecumenical
while being acutely sensitive to Muslim sensibilities (2000).
Bibliography
1969 Konstitusi Dogmatis Dei Verbum tentang Wahju Ilahi (The Dogmatic
Constitution Dei Verbum on Divine Revelation. Translation, Introduction and
Commentary.
1970-73 &=
nbsp; Konstitusi Dogmatis Lumen Gentium meng=
enai
Geredja (The Dogmatic Constitution Lumen Gentium on the Church. Transla=
tion,
Introduction and Commentary).
1982 Siapa Yesus Kristus menurut Perjanjian Baru (Who Jesus Christ is
according to the New Testament).
1983 Paulus: Hidup, karya dan Teologinya (Paul: His Life, Work and
Theology).
1989 (with JB Banawiratma),
“Doing Theology with Local Resources. An Indonesian Experiment”=
, East Asian Pastoral Review,
Vol.26:51-72.
1996 Catholic Bishops’
Conference of Indonesia, Iman Katol=
ik:
Buku Informasi dan Referensi (Catholic Faith: A Book of Information and
Reference). Jakarta/Yogyakarta: Obor/Kanisius, xvi-489.
2000 Imanuel: Perubahan dalam Perumusan Iman akan Yesus Kristus
(Immanuel: Changes in the Formulations of Faith in Jesus Christ).
4.4. Fridolin =
Ukur
(1930-), Kalimantan and
Born in Tamianglayang,
The churches have made no si=
ngle
response to the question of the relationship between adat and religion. In =
his
writings, Ukur - in Barthian style - separated adat from religion (e.g. 199=
9).
He has published a half dozen books and booklets, edited a further six and
authored over 20 articles. Apart from his writings, Fridolin Ukur is well-k=
nown
for his radio broadcasts.
Bibliography
1979 “Pengkajian Kemba=
li
Sejarah Gereja di Indonesia” (Re-analysing Church History in Indonesi=
a.)
in M.A. Ihromi & S.Wismoady Wahono (eds.) Theo-Doron: Pemberian Allah (Theo-Doron: Gift of God.)
1999 “Bersikap Injili =
dalam
konteks Kebudayaan (Daerah) (To have a Gospel Attitude in a (Local) Cultural
Context). In (ed.) Panitia, Agama d=
alam
Dialog: Pencerahan, Pendamaian dan Masa Depan (Religions in Dialogue:
Enlightenment, Peace and the Future).
2000 Tuaiannya Sungguh Banyak: Sejarah Gereja
4.5. Harun Had=
iwijono
(?-1985), Yogyakarta,
Hadiwijono’s thesis Man in the Present Javanese Mysticism<=
/i>
(1967) signalled a new interest in Jawanese mysticism. He studied both the
Hindu-Jawanese and Sumatran-Islamic mystical traditions. Both before and af=
ter
his thesis Pak Hadi worked at the
In 1973 Hadiwijono published=
Iman Kristen (Christian Faith). Th=
is
work is clearly influenced by the theocentrism of Islam; it also contains l=
ong
pieces on Jawanese mysticism. He attempts to stimulate a theological discus=
sion
by suggesting an “openly traditional” way forward. He asks: sho=
uld
Indonesian theology be solidly dogmatic or more of a wisdom literature? Both
Hadiwijono’s approach and his tone reflect the cosmic balance of Jawa=
nese
culture. He published many books on the history of philosophy, theology and
religious thought.
Harun Hadiwijono founded and=
edited
the journal Penjadar (Awareness=
) for
many years. He placed priority on unity in faith rather than upon
organisational unity. Always acknowledging the high values of pluriformity,=
he
was nevertheless aware that some Church order is nearer to God’s will
than some others. Thus, pluriformity is not just a cultural but also a
theological issue. He elaborated the non-theological factors which prevent =
or
endanger unity and hold back the mi=
ssio
Dei. Hadiwijono authored 19 books and booklets and a further 10 article=
s of
which one is in English.
Bibliography
1967 Man in Present Javanese Mysticism
1973 Iman Kristen (Christian Faith.) Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 401pp.
=
4.6. I. Wayan Mastra (1932-)=
,
Due both to Dutch colonial p=
olicy
and the imperviousness of Balinese culture, the Protestant and
Narrowly escaping the massac=
re of
September 1965, Mastra did post-graduate studies at
Bishop Wayan Mastra, togethe=
r with
the Church Synod, has systematically contextualized the life of their church
since 1972. He had worked out the theological foundation for this shift in =
his
doctoral thesis (1970). Rejecting Hendrik Kraemer’s (and therefore Ka=
rl
Bath’s) theology of religions, he describes the church as a pars pro toto, a minority at the s=
ervice
of the majority. Though from the Reformation tradition, Mastra leans heavily
upon the theology of Karl Rahner and Yves Congar. Rejecting both a tolerance
that might lead to syncretism and the inherited intolerance that led to
rejection, Mastra aims for a third way, namely a critical appreciation of
Balinese religion by a dedicated Christian.
In his unpublished manuscript
“A Catechism”, Wayan Mastra outlines his practical mission theo=
logy
in the form of a dialogue between a father and his son and daughter. The
outward form is Balinese, the inner soul is Reformation Christian. Appropri=
ate
Old Testament verses are attached to the ubiquitous three-fold symbolism of
Balinese culture and religion, while Christians – mostly from the low=
est
caste – are exhorted to, “simple living, thrift and high
thinking”. There is an equal emphasis upon cultural appropriation and
social economic engagement. The latter has brought the
&nb=
sp; McKenzie
has written both a history of the first 50 years of the
Bibliography
1970 The Salvation of Non-Believers, A Missiological Critique to Hendrik
Kraemer and the Need for a New Alternative
1974 “Christianity
and Culture in Bali”, Interna=
tional
Review of
1979 Contextualisation of the Church in Bali: Case Study from
1988 McKenzie, D.G., The
4.7. Judowibowo
Poerwowidagdo (194?-), Yogyakarta,
After studying at the Gradua=
te
School of Theology,
In his doctoral thesis and l=
ater as
administrator of Duta Wacana University in Yogyakarta and then as coordinat=
or
of the TEF at Bossey, Judowibowo was concerned that Faculties of Theology w=
ere
simply parts of the established structure of the economic, political and
cultural system of the surrounding secular society. He clearly distinguished
between old and new paradigms of theological education. The old paradigm si=
mply
trained ordained (generally male) presbyters according to a fixed syllabus,
centred upon the lecture hall, using a “banking system”; the co=
urse
was overtly academic emphasising knowledge; it was dogmatic and confessiona=
l in
orientation; all these characteristics were aimed at producing ordained
ministers loyal to a particular tradition. The new paradigm is geared for a=
ll
church ministers, lay and ordained, consciously balancing women and men
participants; it employs a flexible module system centred simultaneously up=
on
campus, the local congregation and the surrounding society; it uses a
group-work approach where academic excellence includes practical competence=
; it
is ecumenical whereby the tradition is received critically (1994). Pak Judo
speaks of the “glocal” context for theological education: equal=
ly
considering the local and the global.
Together with his artist wif=
e Timur
I. Poerwowidagdo, Judowibowo has established a dancing troupe which acts out
Scriptural narratives in Jawanese style. Pak Judo is the President of the A=
sian
Christian Art Association (ACAA). ACAA was founded in 1978 as a creative ce=
ntre
for professional artistic expression in the Asian Churches since when it has
published Image every three mon=
ths.
He is now editor of the journal Ima=
ge:
Christ in Art in Asia which is edited from
Thus, Judowibowo has managed
theology in a large institution, has coordinated theological education fund=
ing
and now directs the development of non-verbal forms of Christian communicat=
ion
through art. He has published 3 books of which one is in English and over a
dozen articles of which eight are in English and one in German.
Bibliography
1972 “An Inquiry into =
the
Logical Relationship of Teaching and Learning, based on the Linguistic Anal=
ysis
of the Concept of Knowing.” PhD thesis.
1993 PGI Bureau of Informati=
on, Many Voices of Christian Art in
1994a Towards
the 21st Century: Challenges and Opportunities for Theological E=
ducation.
1994b “The Church, Globalization and
Theological Education”,
4.8. M.A. Ihro=
mi (-)
An Old Testament scholar. St=
udied
the role of the poor in God’s design (Zeph 3:12).
Bibliography<= o:p>
1=
972 Amm ani wadal nach dem Propheten Zephanja.
1973 “Respect for the
Integrity of another’s Religion”, South East Asia Journal of Theology, Vol.14/2:61-63. (Indonesian
original 1972.)
1980 “Have the Poor a =
Role
in God’s Design?” Ecume=
nical
Review Vol.32:59-65.
1990 Studying Living Religions within a National Community
4.9. Victor Im=
manuel
Tanja (1936-98), Sawu and Jawa.
Victor Tanja was born on the=
small
For Victor Tanja, the ethica= l basis for collaboration in nation building is the state ideology of Pancasila whi= le the practical context is cooperation with the Muslim majority, particularly with its progressive mode; that is, with the modernist HMI Islamic students= ’ movement and the Muhammadiyah educational foundation (1986). Theologically Victor Tanja endeavoured to op= en up a pietistic Reformation tradition to inter-faith dialogue where each religion becomes a partner in building up a more just and fair society (199= 4). He rejected the ideologization and manipulation of religion to legitimise g= roup interests. He claimed that the western emphasis upon basic human rights has= to be balanced by an equal emphasis upon basic human obligations. He views religion as the soul of the body of the nation (1998). His talks, articles, speeches, sermons and later collections, honed in upon the role of the Chur= ch in the face of modernization, secularization and interreligious relations.<= o:p>
What makes Victor Tanja
controversial is not so much the text as the context of his theological and
political enterprise. He put his ecumenical theology to work in practical
politics, translating inter-religious dialogue into dialogue with the ruling
elite. He taught at the military police academy in
Bibliography
1986 Pemikiran HMI dan Relevansinya dengan Sejarah Perjuangan Bangsa
Indoensia (The Thought of the Moslem Student Association and its Releva=
nce
in the History of Struggle of the Indonesian People),
1994 Spiritualitas, Pluralitas, dan Pembangunan di Indonesia
(Spirituality, Plurality and Development in
1998 Pluralisme Agama dan Problema Sosial (The Plurality of Religion=
and
Social Problems;)
4.10. Franz
Magnis-Suseno (1936 -),
Franz von Magnis was born in
Eckersdorf
Franz Magnis-Suseno was one =
of the
last generation of Jesuits to come to
Without ever deciding which =
is the
more legitimate or superior Magnis-Suseno compares the western philosophy of
life (an ethics of obligation) with the Jawanese practical wisdom (an ethic=
s of
accommodation). In Jawanese cosmic culture whoever and whatever is in their
appropriate place is ethical. Humans and everything else need to accommodat=
e themselves
to the cosmic order, accepting their assigned place. Magnis-Sueseno appreci=
ates
this practical wisdom in small-scale society, but is scathing in its
manipulation by the nation state, especially under fascist-military regime =
of
Soeharto (e.g. 1999).
As a philosopher trained in =
the
western tradition and equally at home in Jawanese language and culture,
Magnis-Suseno’s writing is trans-denominational, indeed trans-religio=
us
(e.g. 1981). This work is published by “secular” newspapers,
journals and book publishers. When writing on the theology of ethics, he is
comfortable using Catholic language, and indeed these books are published by
the diocesan (formerly Jesuit) publisher, Kanisius (e.g. 1993). By mid-2000
Magnis-Suseno had published 24 books of which three are in German and one in
English and has authored over 120 articles and book chapters of which twelve
are in German and three in English.
Bibliography<= o:p>
1=
975 Normative Voraussetzungen im Denken des jungen Marx (1843-48). =
PhD Thesis, 1973. Universitas
Muechen. Muenchen: Alber, 420pp.
1993 Beriman dalam Masyarakat: Butir-butir Teologi Kontekstual (Livi=
ng
Faith in Society: Elements of a Contextual Theology).
1997 Javanese Ethics and World-View. The Javanese Idea of the Good Life<=
/i>.
1999 “Membangun Kembali
sebuah Budaya Politik
4.11. Eka Darm=
aputera
(1942 - ), Central Jawa and
Eka Darmaputera was born in
Magelang, central Jawa on 16th November 1942. He obtained his BD
(1966) from the Graduate School of Theology,
Eka Darmaputera is one of ma=
ny
Indonesian theologians who have studied the State ideology of Pancasila, in his case from the
perspective of Jawanese culture and ethics (1982). Outwardly, Jawanese cult=
ure
is perceived to be governed by a totalistic and hierarchical world-view.
However, in the ancient mythologies acted out in the wayang (puppet plays), the Jawanese experience a deep sense of
oneness beyond all difference. For Pak Eka the Pancasila is an attempt to
enable traditional culture to cope with contemporary problems. For the
Jawanese, a “both-and” world-view leads to an ethical perception
oriented towards acceptance not of good over evil and right over wrong, but=
of
what is appropriate (cocok), wh=
at
fits in, what is in accord with one’s feeling and intuition (rasa). Pak Eka believes that this
traditional Jawanese world-view is fertile soil in which to grow the idea of
basic human rights.
Eka Darmaputera is one of th=
ose who
have returned to Jawanese mystical culture in the 1980s as the locus for do=
ing
theology, rather than, for instance, holding a direct dialogue with Islam o=
r by
openly confronting the systemic injustice of the military regime. His exten=
sive
writings in ethics can be described as both evangelical and ecumenical in h=
is
inimitable, forever inclusive Indonesian way. He has authored over a dozen
books and booklets and around 20 articles of which one is in German.
Bibliography<=
span
lang=3DEN-GB style=3D'mso-ansi-language:EN-GB'>
1973 Iman Kristen (Christian Faith)
1977 Tuhan dari Poci dan Panci (God of Teapot and Enamelware - from =
the
author’s column in Sinar Hara=
pan.)
1982 Pancasila and the Search for Identity and Modernity in Indonesian
Society. A Cultural and Ethical Analysis,
1997 Iman Sesamaku dan Imanku. (The Faith of my Neighbours and My
Faith),
1999 “Mengevaluasi Keh=
adiran
Gereja di Tengah-tengah Tuntutan Reformasi” (Evaluating the Presence =
of
the Church in the Midst of the Demands of (National) Reformation), in Victor
Silaen (ed.) Gereja dan Reformasi:
Pembaruan Gereja menuju
4.12. Th. Suma=
rtana
(1944-), Central Jawa and
Th. Sumartana was born at
Banjarnegara,
In his youth Sumartana was c=
lose to
HMI (Modernist Muslim Student Association). Wishing to break out of the
encapsulating dogmatic identity of the
Sumartana is Director of Interfidei, an Institute for inter=
-faith
dialogue which he co-founded in 1992. This institute is not tied to any
institutional religion although it has good working relationships with
religious leaders. Its personnel are Muslim, Christian, Hindu and Buddhist.=
Interfidei has gradually extended =
its
regular study days, workshops and training sessions, scientific research and
publications from the city of
Since the break-down of the =
Soeharto
regime (1998) Sumartana has involved himself in practical politics becoming=
one
of the Chairpersons of Partai Amanat
Nasional (PAN - National Party). PAN is headed by Amien Rais, the former
Director of the modernist educational Muslim association Muhammadiyah. Thus, Sumartana dialogues with Muslim leaders who
oppose the corrupt elite in contrast to Victor
Tanja who conversed with the Muslims who ran the Soeharto regime. He se=
es
his controversial involvement in politics as a practical application of his
theology. He continues to combine academic research with practical involvem=
ent.
Sumartana has authored one book, edited a further half dozen and written nu=
merous
articles. In mid-2000 he was writing a comprehensive work on dialogue based
largely on his experience at Interf=
idei
during its first decade.
Bibliography
1994 Sumartana, Th.,
1998 “Sinkretisme Agam=
a:
Penyakit atau Obat?” (Religious Syncretism: Illness or Medicine?). In
Andito (ed.), Atas Nama Agama (=
In the
Name of Religion).
1999 “Theologia
Religionum” (Theology of Religions). In Tim Balitbang PGI, Meretas Jalan Teologi Agama-agama di
Indonesia (Opening up the Way for a Theology of Religions in
4.13. Andreas
Anangguru Yewangoe (1945-),
Andreas A. Yewangoe was born=
at
Mamboru,
Until the 1980s Indonesian
theologians were either very Indonesian or very Western. Through his doctor=
al
research and subsequent teaching, writing and administration, Yewangoe has
introduced other Asian theologies into both mainstream church discourse and
some seminary syllabi. If the wider Asian context is finally entering the
theological debate, it is his achievement in no mean measure. He has been
carefully prising theology away from the pietist congregation where classro=
om
theology remained for too long.
Yewangoe, from the Reformed
tradition, has taken up the liberationist frame of Sri Lankan Jesuit Aloysi=
us
Pieris through which to analysis emerging theologies in
Yewangoe began with a theolo=
gical
reflection on reconciliation which came out of his own Eastern Indonesian
Sumbanese culture (1983). With his ever broadening perspective over the yea=
rs,
like Mangunwijaya and Banawiratma, he is showing that t=
he
more creative thought is deriving from those who have immersed themselves in
their own culture (drunk at their own wells), and then thrown themselves in=
to
the struggle for a more just and democratic society. Apart from his more th=
an
200 newspaper columns, Yewangoe has authored seven books, of which one is in
English, and 40 articles. Two more books are due in 2000.
Bibliography
1983 Pendamaian: Suatu Studi tentang Pemulihan Relasi antara Allah, Manu=
sia
dan Alam-semesta (Reconciliation: A Study of the Restoration of the
relationship between God, People and Creation),
1987 Theologia Crucis in Asia: Asian Christian Views on Suffering in the
Face of Overwhelming Poverty and Multifaceted Religiosity in Asia,
1999 “Gereja di Era
Reformasi” (The Church in a Time of Reform) in Victor Silaen (ed.) Gereja dan Reformasi: Pembaruan Gereja
menuju
4.14. Johanes =
Baptista
Banawiratma (1946-), Yogyakarta,
J.B. Banawiratma was born in
Yogyakarta in
In his MA thesis (1977) Romo=
Bono
compares the relationship between teacher and disciple in the elitist and
popular cultural traditions of Jawa with that obtaining in the Gospel of Jo=
hn.
His emphasis is not so much upon the content of the Jawanese teachings as u=
pon
the cultural dynamics at work: dialogue, question-answer, riddles, sayings,
parables, symbols, paradoxes which step by step open up the heart of the
disciple. He discovers that the great themes of John are very much part of =
the
psyche of the Jawanese: light, life, water of life, darkness. He distinguis=
hes
between the rich spiritual tradition of Jawa which remains meaningful today=
and
the demands of the Gospel which forever challenge. A natural symbiosis has
already taken place in the lives of Jawanese Christians.
Having refreshed himself in =
the
wells of his own culture, Banawiratma, with his Faculty colleagues in
This contextual theological =
praxis
is an example of how the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) is being received=
by
the most important Faculty of Theology for Catholics in
Christology has remained one=
of Romo
Bana’s constant theological preoccupations. In 1977 he reflected upon=
an
encounter between one culture and one gospel writing. In the 1980s he looke=
d at
images of Jesus at various historical periods - in colonial times, during
Soeharto’s regime, in a pluralistic society (1986). Towards the end of
the 1990s the Gospel-culture encounter had become a multi-dimensional,
critical, transforming dialogue (1999a). His turn-of-century Christology is=
a
“liberative, inter-contextual” theology. His Christology now be=
gins
with the experience of the believing congregation. The marginalised-poor are
not just context; theirs is the perspective through which the entire
Trinitarian Christology needs to be viewed. Culture is no longer simply
cosmic-holistic, but also secular. Feminism deconstructs both the
feudal-patriarchalism of local culture and of the dogmatic tradition. A two=
-way
dialogue with the majority Muslim community translates faith in Christ into
Islamic terms while inviting Muslim experience of their encounter with God =
to
enrich our Christology.
Banawiratma does theology as=
a
liberationist firmly rooted in his Jawanese culture while open to the natio=
nal,
regional and global context. He continues to reflect upon the little tradit=
ion
of criticism and the great tradition of oppression (1999b). Human dignity, =
the
right to participate, and even the need to revolt are embedded in the
cosmic-holistic culture of the powerless, while feudal-patriarchalism shapes
the hierarchical culture of the powerful. He finds that even the culture of=
the
poor, as expressed in wayang pu=
ppet
plays, is ambivalent. This is where the tools of cultural analysis and gend=
er studies
come into play. Banawiratma has authored 5 books of which one has appeared =
in
German (1995) and English (1999) translations; he has edited a further 14
volumes and published over 70 articles of which 13 are in English and one in
German.
Bibliography
1977 Yesus Sang Guru: Pertemuan Kejawen dengan Injil (Jesus the Teac=
her:
An Encounter between Jawanese Culture and the Gospel). MA thesis.
1986 “Yesus Kristus dan
keterlibatan Sosial Gereja (Jesus Christ and the Social Involvement of the
Church), Orientasi, 18:114-127.=
1993 (With J. Mueller) Berteologi Sosial Lintas Ilmu: Kemiski=
nan
sebagai Tantangan Hidup Beriman (Doing an Inter-disciplinary Social
Theology: Poverty as a Challenge to the Life of the Faithful),
1=
999a “Kristologi Trinitaris dengan
Pendekatan Kontekstual”.
1999b “Kebudayaan Jawa dan Teologi
Pembebasan” (Jawanese Culture and the Theology of Liberation), Bergumul dalam Pengharapan (Strugg=
ling
in Hope).
4.15. Emanuel =
Gerrit
Singgih (1949-), Macassar and
E. Gerrit Singgih was born i=
n
E. Gerrit Singgih is an Old
Testament scholar who struggles with how to develop distinctly Indonesian
interpretations of the Bible. Most of his writings are not exclusively
biblical, but bring together an interpretation of Indonesian society (a
hermeneutics of life) with critical, biblical reflections (an hermeneutics =
of
the text). His hermeneutical keys are outlined in his first book where he m=
oves
away from exclusively confessional or western models (1982). The Indonesian
cultural and political context helps in his choice and use of hermeneutical
tools both for interpreting present reality and the biblical text (1997).
Confronting key issues that challenge the theory and practice of Christiani=
ty
in
Gerrit Singgih is a
trans-denominational, socially-committed biblical theologian with a persona=
ble
and bold writing style, rooted in inter-faith praxis. His is a local theolo=
gy
working for a global coherence where all parties contribute from what they
have. A Taize-inspired celibate life-style enables Gerrit Singgih to live
simply in communion with theological students and local Congregations. By
mid-2000 he had authored 9 books and over 50 articles.
Bibliography
1982 =
; Dari Israel ke Asia (From Israel t=
o
1997 Reformasi dan Transformasi Pelayanan Gereja Menyongsong Abad ke-21<=
/i>
(The Reformation and the Transformation of the Church’s Ministry as we
Welcome the 21st Century).
2000a Iman
dan Politik dalam Era Reformasi di Indonesia (Faith and Politics in the
Reformation Era in
2000b Berteologi
dalam Konteks: Pemikiran-pemikiran mengenai Kontekstualisasi Teologi di Ind=
onesia
(Doing Theology in Context: Thoughts on the Contextualisation of Theology i=
n
2000c Hidup
di bawah Bayang-bayang Maut: Sebuah Tafsir Kitab Pengkhotbah (Living un=
der
the Shadows of Death: An Exegesis of the Book of Ecclesiastes). BPK Gunung
Mulia.
4.16. Gabriel =
Possenti
Sindhunata (1952-)
Born 12th May 195=
2.
Bibliography
5. Women Doing Theology
Women have needed to struggl=
e long
and hard against the patriarchal culture of both Indonesian church and soci=
ety to
gain a toe-hold on the theological landscape of the Churches. In 1989 Nieke
Atamadja-Hadinoto was the first Indonesian woman to receive a doctorate in
theology (from Kampen, The Netherlands). Women are collaborative theologians
working through professional and practical associations. Perhaps this is why
few names have emerged so far in the
Korean born
Bibliography
1978 Katoppo, Marianne,
“Kedudukan Wanita di Indonesia di Masa Sekarang” (The position =
of
Women in Indonesia Today), Peninjau=
,
Vol.5:25-54. Survey of the origin and growth of women’s movements in =
1986 Atamadja-Hadinoto, Niek=
e,
“De vrouw als partner in de kerk - stemmen uit
1987 Orteza, Edna J. (ed.), =
Common Roots Common vision - Report of=
the
ARF Women Consultation-Workshop, Wisma oikoumene, Sukabumi.
1990 Woro, D.E. Palupi, Maria
Ginting, & Noor Cahyathio, Wani=
ta
Indonesia: Bibliografi Beranotasi (Indonesian Women: Annotated
bibliography).
1991 Tan, Mely G. (ed.), Perempuan
5.1. Women’s Groups
Grass-roots women’s mo=
vements,
initially established during colonial times in 1928, were disbanded by the
military after their 1965/66 putsch. For over 30 years women had to join the
official government organisation under the wife of the local official, led
nationally by the wife of the Minister of Home Affairs. Women were herded b=
ack
into domestic health programmes and support for the regime. Only in the 199=
0s
have women’s grass-roots NGOs re-emerged with active participation by
Christians.
Christian women’s asso=
ciations
are ecumenical with full Catholic participation, such as the Kelompok Perempuan Sadar (KPS -
Association for Women’s Awareness) established in
Jaringan Mitra Perempuan (JMP - Women’s Partnership Network) was established during a =
1995
Gender Workshop run by the Social Research Unit of the Catholic BishopsR=
17;
Conference (LPPS-KWI; known internationally as Missio). JMP has eleven regi=
onal
networks. Its national secretariat is located at the office of the
Bishops’ Conference in
Persekutuan Wanita Berpendidikan Teologi di
Bibliography
1995 KPS (ed.), Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan dalam Ger=
eja
(Violence towards Women in the Church).
1995 =
Hardaputranta
(ed.) Gender dan Pembangunan I
(Gender and Development I).
1998 Toba-Sarumpaet, Riris K=
.,
Peremuan di Rumah Tuhan (A Woman in the Lord’s House. Biography of Ju=
lia
Sarumpaet-Hutabarat by her daughter).
1999 Doeka-Souk, Bendalina &=
amp;
Suleeman, Stephen (eds.), Bentangka=
nlah
Sayapmu (Spread your Wings Wide). Results of the Seminar and Workshop on
Feminist Theology, Kaliurang, July 1997.
5.2. Augustina Lumentut (1937- ),
Agustina Lumentut’s th=
eology
is writ in her life-story. A daughter of a hard-working and hard-suffering
mother and a primary school teacher-cum-evangelist father who established
congregations while opening village schools in the interior of
Returning to Sulawesi Agusti=
na
Lumentut pioneered awareness-building programmes in the interior, combining
biblical instruction and community development through discussion and pract=
ical
projects. Struggles with a pietistic tradition and opposition from jealous
government leaders led Ibu Tina to develop a theology of development and to
stand always for truth over expediency. In 1973 she visited
Bibliography
1980 “Membaharui, Memb=
angun
dan Mempersatukan Gereja” (Renewing, Building up and Uniting the Chur=
ch).
Address at General Assembly of the Council of Churches in
1997 Margaret Kirk, Let Justice Flow: An Asian Woman works
creatively for the Liberation of Her People. Biography of Agustina
Lumentut.
5.3. Agustina Nunuk Prasetyo Murniati (1943-),
A. Nunuk Prasetyo Murniati i=
s the
daughter of an eye specialist who encouraged independence in life and thoug=
ht,
and of a pious mother whose father was a Jawanese ascetic. She was born in =
Since high school Ibu Nunuk =
has been
interested in women’s concerns. Initially active in the Laity Commiss=
ion
of the Semarang Archdiocese she found this forum too restricted and
introverted. Becoming a close friend and collaborator of Mangunwijaya, in 1976 she moved to non-governmental organisatio=
ns
and inter-faith networks. Starting as an economist, work with women’s
cooperatives led Ibu Nunuk to widen her knowledge and she studied cultural
anthropology and social psychology. To avoid being appointed Rector of Atma Jaya University, Ibu Nunuk ap=
plied
for a sabbatical. Because the social psychology programme in
For Ibu Nunuk theology is
conversation - an ongoing questioning process by groups of involved women
(1998:36-45). Theology is a truly collaborative exercise (cf 1986, 1990).
Before theology can liberate, the Bible and Church dogma have to be liberat=
ed
from its masculine culture and from narrow androcentric interpretations. In
contrast to women’s movements in the West, she experiences no dichoto=
my
between extremes - between the peace and pro-life movements, for instance. =
Her
support for natural family planning is rooted in indigenous spirituality, in
the effectiveness of traditional herbal contraceptives and in her oppositio=
n to
the hegemony of capitalist, pharmaceutical TNCs. Her approach is not
one-sidedly cerebral; words are not the only theological language. Theology=
is
personal, birthed by the heart in music, movement, painting, architecture,
meditation and asceticism.
A. Nunuk Prasetyo Murniati i=
s a
member of the National Commission on Women (established after the
military-organised mass rape of Chinese-descent women in May 1998), and so
divides her time between
Retiring early from her last
teaching assignment in tertiary education in 2000, she is devoting the
remainder of her active life in justice movements and inter-faith gender
networks which were banned by the Soeharto regime for most of her adult life
(1966-98). Meanwhile she is working on her doctorate in pastoral studies fr=
om
SEAST on the right to reproduction - a feminist theology of life. In the li=
fe
and thought of A. Nunuk Prasetyo Murniati, a fascinating theological biogra=
phy
is crying out to be written.
Bibliography
1984 “An Expanded Visi=
on of
Pastoral Work in
1990 “Rediscovering the
Indonesian Women’s Potential.” EATWOT Asian Feminist Theology
Meeting.
1992 “Perempuan
1995a “Peran Perempuan dalam
Gereja” (The Role of Women in the Church), Gender dan Pembangunan I,
1995b Gerakan
Anti-Kekerasan terhadap Perempuan (Anti-Violence towards Women Movement=
).
Yogyakarta: Kelompok Perempuan Sadar, 36pp. Expanded edition
5.4. Henriette Marianne Katoppo (1943-), Minahasa and Jakarta.
The theology of Marianne Kat=
oppo,
recorded in her novels, newspaper articles and book (1979), finds its most =
apt
embodiment in her own struggle as a woman, as the youngest of ten siblings,=
as
a member of a prominent Dutch-speaking Protestant family and an energetic
participant in international ecumenical networks. Marianne Katoppo was born=
in
Tomohon, Minahasa, on 9th June 1943 but brought up in
Intelligent, independent,
forthright, conversant in many Asian and European languages, Marianne Katop=
po
embodies the ambiguities and brokenness of those who do not fit into any si=
ngle
category - socially, culturally, religiously. Her most explicitly Christian
novel is Raumanen (1977) where =
a love
affair across ethnic lines ends with the suicide of the protagonist. Her
theological articles and book spring partly from personal experience (disap=
pointment
even bitterness) and partly from social critique taking up themes of justice
(option for the poor and gender). She has authored five novels, one theolog=
ical
work and over 20 articles of which 10 are in English.
Bibliography
1977 Raumanen,
1979 Compassionate and Free: An Asian Woman’s Theology,
1979a “Asian Theology: An Asian
Woman’s Perspective”, W=
CC
Exchange, Vol.3:25-34; republished in Virginia Fabella, (ed.) Asia’s Struggle for Full Humanit=
y,
1994 “The Concept of G=
od and
the Spirit form the Feminist Perspective”, in Ursula King, (ed.) Feminist theology from the
1995 Steenbrink, Karel
“Ecumenical Adventures of Marianne Katoppo.”. In (eds.) Leny
Lagerwerf, Karel Steenbrink, & Frans Verstraelen Changing Partnership of Missionary and Ecumenical Movements,
Leiden-Utrecht: Inter-university Institute for Missiological and Ecumenical
Research, 212-225.
5.4. Septemmy Eucharistia Lakawa (1970-), Sulawesi Tengah,
In Septemmy Eucharistia Laka=
wa we
meet with the new generation of women theologians. Born in Kendari,
While doing her masters cour=
se in
Austen USA Temmy found her faith questioned for the first time by her
theological investigations. Lectures in feminist theology led to tears and
prayer. She finally decided to continue with feminist theologies in order to
engage with a lifelong wrestle with the key questions: who is the God whom =
we
know in
In 1996 Temmy Lakawa was ord=
ained.
After a brief period serving her church in Central Sulawesi she returned to=
Bibliography
1998 “God Who Sees: An
Indonesian Christian Woman Reading the Story of Hagar in Searching a Libera=
ting
Spirituality for Indonesian (Christian-Muslim) Women Cooperation in
Praxis”, Borrong, Robert (ed.), Berakar
di dalam Dia dan Dibangun di atas Dia (Rooted in Him and Built upon Him=
).
1=
999 “Pengkajian Kritis
terhadap Teologi kaum Feminis. Suatu Pendekatan Metodologis” (A Critical Study of the Theolog=
y of
Feminists. A Methodological Approach). In,Bendalina Doeka-Souk & Stephen
Suleeman (eds.), Bentangkanlah Saya=
pmu
(Open Wide your Wings). Seminar-Workshop on Feminist Theology by the PGI Of=
fice
of Women’s Concerns, Perwati & Persetia. Kaliurang, 28-30 July. <=
st1:City
w:st=3D"on">
2000 “Keheningan dan
Kekerasan: Perjalanan Perempuan Mencari Kebenaran demi Rekonsiliasi”
(Silence and Violence: The Journey of Women seeking the Truth for the sake =
of
Reconciliation), Sophia,
Vol.1/1:5-14.
John Mansford Prior, svd.
Puslit Candraditya,
Jalan Lero Wulan 1,
Wairklau, MAUMERE 86112
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